Throwback on National Concord Newspaper from 1985
The front page of the National Concord newspaper from 1985 with the heading “BUHARI’s Government Most Inhumane” is seen in a vintage image. This is thirty-nine years old.
The front page of the National Concord newspaper from 1985 with the heading “BUHARI’s Government Most Inhumane” is seen in a vintage image. This is thirty-nine years old.
The Kosoko Royal Family owns the Ereko portion of Lagos Island. Following the death of Oba Oluwole in 1841, the white cap chiefs of Lagos nominated Akitoye, a younger brother to both Oshilokun and Adele, as the Oba of Lagos. Kosoko would have been nominated at that time, but it was said that his whereabouts were unknown at the time. After Akitoye was crowned Oba of Lagos, Kosoko, who had reportedly been living in exile, was called the “Chief of Ereko” and given permission to establish his own royal courtin Ereko. This led to the expression “Kosoko baba ni Ereko” on Lagos Island. A woman named Efunyelu, who subsequently became Sister Amelia Bickersteth, founded the Ereko Methodist Cathedral in Idumota, Lagos, in 1869. Bickersteth is 155 years old. The church was founded as a result of Sister Bickersteth’s fervent evangelical beliefs and her goal to share the gospel with Lagos Island’s market women in Yoruba. Prior to that, worship services were exclusively held in English at the Methodist churches located in the heart of Lagos.
Counter-coup: A counter-coup, which may have been planned, was sparked on the night of July 29, 1966, when northern soldiers at the Abeokuta barracks mutinied. A faction of the officers favored breaking away, leading them to call the coup code name “A raba” (secession in Hausa). But following the countercoup’s victory, a group of civilians—chief justice Adetokunbo Ademola, head of the Federal Public Service Sule Katagum, and permanent secretary of defense Musa Daggash—convinced the conspirators, including Muhammad, of the benefits of a union. Despite Murtala Ramat Muhammad’s insistence on keeping the position for himself, the countercoup resulted in the installation of Lieutenant-Colonel Yakubu Gowon as the Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Armed Forces. But because Gowon was militarily stronger than he was, and because he was receiving little help from American and British advisors,he gave in. Gowon honored him by announcing his appointment as Inspector of Signals and validating his ranking (he had been an acting Lieutenant Colonel prior to then).Not all prominent military figures, most notably the military governor of the Eastern Region, Odumegwu Ojukwu, agreed with Gowon’s designation as the Head of State.
“General Sani Abacha never governed the country; instead, he terrorized and bullied it. He had power, but it was all power,” Soyinka wrote in 1998, upon learning of Abacha’s passing while living in exile in Jerusalem for 26 years.In 1994, Soyinka fled into exile once more before General Sani Abacha sentenced him to death three years later.After Abacha’s passing, the sentence was eventually revoked, and he went back to Nigeria.After being charged with working with the Biafrans, Soyinka fled into hiding. In November 1994, Soyinka left Nigeria without warning, claiming that it was “retreating into the Dark Ages.” Abacha accused him of treason in absentia, a crime that carries a death sentence. Q – What do you think about General Sani Abacha’s passing? A- Straightforward response would be appropriate: it presents a chance for Nigeria’s military, civic society, and international community. Q – To what end? A: Accurate. must exert pressure on the armed forces, telling them to stop this foolishness. Enough of these illusory transition initiatives. They should not initiate or participate in a power struggle among themselves to determine who will assume the role of leader – that time has come to an end. As I just mentioned, Abacha terrorized and tormented the nation; he never held political power. He could kill and capture hostages, but he lacked authority and influence. He was never able to rule the nation because the populace would not submit to a savage. They had had enough of military rule. Therefore, it is the military’s responsibility to acknowledge this and the responsibility of the world community to realize that we are fed up with the decay of what could be a magnificent civilization. Even after General Sani Abacha’s passing, release all political prisoners and establish a government of national unity led by the president-elect, who is currently rotting in prison, until the military accepts the United Democratic Front’s program, for which hundreds of lives have been lost.
As one of Nigeria’s most vocal post-independence civil rights critics, Solarin joined the ranks of other well-known activists like Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, Beko Ransome-Kuti, Wole Soyinka, Ayodele Awojobi, Dele Giwa, Gani Fawehinmi, and Ken Saro-Wiwa. In addition to his activism, Tai Solarin was also known for his outspoken humanism and atheism. He was an atheist and a strong critic of religious institutions, particularly their control over education. These individuals challenged the established quo and fought for the rights and dignity of all Nigerians, acting as the conscience of the country in a place where effective resistance to military administrations was frequently lacking. Tai Solarin fearlessly released a statement titled “The Beginning of the End” in 1975, when General Yakubu Gowon’s administration was delaying the handover of power to a civilian government. He distributed the statement by hand on the streets. Even though his audacious deed landed him in jail, it didn’t stop him from fighting oppression for the rest of his life. Solarin fought tirelessly against several administrations throughout his life, always wanting to better the lot of his fellow Nigerians. His persistent dedication to education and justice has had a lasting impact on Nigerian history. Rest in peace.
Tanimowo Ogunlesi, a 94-year-old renowned Nigerian advocate for women’s rights, was a trailblazing head of the Women’s Improvement League from 1908 to 2002. She was well-known for being one of the leading female activists of her era and was instrumental in improving women’s rights in Nigeria. In addition, Ogunlesi co-founded the National Council of Women’s Societies, which went on to become the most significant women’s rights group in the nation, promoting social justice and gender equality. Her efforts have had a lasting impact on Nigeria’s fight for women’s emancipation. Her intimate connection to cultural heritage and her affection for these dolls are reflections of her belief that traditional arts preservation empowers African women. The Thurmans, who are well-known for their numerous social commitments and regularly host over 100 guests at luncheons and banquets, served as the event’s hosts. This event celebrated African craftsmanship and the accomplishments of powerful women like Mrs. Ogunlesi, providing a forum for cultural appreciation and interaction amongst global communities. The finely crafted dolls, created by the UN gift shop, showcase the rich traditions and artistic talent of the African continent while representing the varied cultures of UN member nations.
At the age of thirty-one, Gowon was selected to be the head of state in 1966.Gowon had up until that point only been a career soldier, having had no political involvement at all. However, the events of the year suddenly forced him into a leadership position, as his unique background as a Northerner, devoid of both Islamic and Hausa ancestry, made him an especially safe choice to lead a country where ethnic tension was roiling. When Gowon assumed leadership of the newly established Federal military government of Nigeria on August 1, 1966, he was a Lieutenant Colonel. Nevertheless, Gowon found himself in an awkward position due to the presence of other senior military officers in the government, including Commodore Joseph Wey, Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe, and Colonel Robert Adebayo. Prior to the commencement of hostilities in the civil war in 1967, Gowon elevated himself to Major-General, and then to full General upon the conflict’s conclusion in 1970, in an effort to solidify his position as Head of State. During General Yakubu Gowon’s presidency, corruption peaked in the summer of 1975 with the infamous “cement armada” affair. This tragedy made the detrimental impacts of unbridled corruption and grave mismanagement within the Nigerian government clear. The main port of the nation, Lagos, was overrun by an extraordinary number of ships trying to offload cement, which sparked the scandal. Unbelievably, representatives of the Nigerian government inked deals with 68 different foreign vendors to provide an astounding 20 million tons of cement in a single year. Lagos’s port could only handle roughly one million tons of cargo annually, a long cry from this magnitude. The contracts had provisions for demurrage that greatly benefited the suppliers, but they were badly written. When a ship is delayed at the port—either while waiting to unload or even while awaiting authorization to leave their home ports—the importer is required to pay demurrage charges. The Nigerian government had to deal with rapidly rising expenses as the number of ships increased, which were made worse by the fact that many of the ships were left idle for long stretches of time. The situation worsened to the point where the port of Lagos could no longer handle basic supplies and commodities, thus paralyzing it. It was too late to turn things around by the time the authorities grasped the full scope of the catastrophe. Nigeria attempted to renounce the cement contracts and placed an emergency embargo on all incoming shipments in a last-ditch effort to lessen the harm. But these actions resulted in lengthy legal disputes with foreign suppliers, drawing Nigeria into a multiyear legal battle. A notable legal consequence of the affair was a 1983 ruling by the United States Supreme Court, which brought to light its extensive ramifications. The “cement armada” incident serves as a wake-up call regarding the perils of administrative ineptitude, corruption, and the significance of doing due diligence while bidding on government contracts. Because the port’s congestion had a knock-on effect on Nigeria’s general trade and development during that time, it also serves as an example of the wider effects of bad governance on the country’s infrastructure and economy.
Nigeria was ruled by Major General Ibrahim Babangida in 1985 following the successful overthrow of General Muhammadu Buhari. Nigeria was on the verge of a new era in the turbulent year 1985. As Major General Ibrahim Babangida got ready to address the country and the world, the echoes of a military coup that had toppled General Muhammadu Buhari continued to reverberate. Babangida realized that the eyes of the country and the whole community were on him now that he carried the responsibility of leadership. A new 28-member ruling council, which would take the place of the defunct Military Council of the overthrown Buhari, was sworn in by Babangida in a solemn ceremony. Numerous faces in the room were recognizable; these were former members of the previous administration, now entrusted with leading Nigeria through these uncertain times. To maintain stability in the military structure, senior leaders such as Defense Minister Domkat Bali, Air Force Chief Ibrahim Alfa, Navy Commander Augustus Aikhomu, and Police Chief Etim Inyang were reappointed. Major-General Sani Abacha, a pivotal player in the coup that had overthrown the civilian government only two years before, was one of them. Now, Abacha took over the influential post of Chief of Army Staff, which Babangida had previously occupied. Additionally, the prominent post of Chief of Staff at Supreme Headquarters had been eliminated by the incoming leader in earlier administrations. During the coup, Major-General Tunde Idiagbon, the person who had held the position, was stuck in Saudi Arabia while on a religious pilgrimage, signifying the profound reforms Babangida was implementing to the nation’s government. Babangida took quick action to bring things back to normal despite the uncertainty. The curfew that had made Lagos and other state capital’ streets gloomy was lifted. Airports and seaports that had been quiet during the shutdown began to humm. The country’s land borders, which had been blocked for more than a year, remained sealed even after communications were resumed.
Augustus Aikhomu led a news conference that was organized by the Nigerian government on October 20, the day after an explosion occurred. Foreign reporters and photographers were not permitted to attend the press conference, and all questions were to be directed “off the record” during the briefing. Ismaila Gwarzo of the SSS and Haliru Akilu talked about their recent dealings with Dele Giwa at the briefing. They talked about Akilu’s visit to Giwa’s house just before the bombing and an SSS interrogation over accusations of gun running. The circumstances surrounding Giwa’s death raised questions, especially in light of Kayode Soyinka’s testimony—she was present during the explosion but escaped unharmed. There was a lot of government meddling in spite of multiple investigations, including one by Abubakar Tsav and another by Chris Omeben of the FIIB, which made it challenging to adequately look into important individuals like Akilu and Tunde Togun. Later, Tsav stated that his inquiry was hindered and that there was proof of a conspiracy between Akilu and Togun; nonetheless, these findings went unacted upon. There were conspiracy theories that surfaced, one of which claimed that Giwa was assassinated because he had discovered evidence connecting accused drug mule Gloria Okon to prominent figures, including General Ibrahim Babangida’s wife. According to this version, Giwa tried to blackmail Babangida, which resulted in his murder. Nevertheless, Giwa’s coworkers at *Newswatch* magazine denied that Giwa and Gloria Okon were connected in any way. Gani Fawehinmi, Giwa’s attorney, tried in vain to have those guilty brought to justice, and court decisions frequently went in favor of the accused, including senior security personnel. General Babangida declined to provide testimony in 2001 in front of a national human rights panel despite the controversy. Even though the lawsuit is still open, Giwa’s influence is acknowledged—an Abuja street bears his name.
Adóló’s son, Oba Ovonramwen Nogbaisi, was living in exile in Calabar, surrounded by members of his kingdom who worked for the British administration while he was away. Ovonramwen will always be remembered as a hero in the Benin Kingdom’s history because of his valor and bravery. James Robert Phillips, the Niger Coast Protectorate’s deputy commissioner and consul, attempted to see Ovonramwen, the Oba of Benin, in Benin City in November 1896. The visit was intended to discuss a trade arrangement that the Oba was purportedly not honoring that he had previously established with the British. Phillips made a formal request to his superiors in London for approval to carry out the visit. But Phillips went to Benin City at the end of December 1896 without waiting for an official reply. A British mission left the Oil Rivers Protectorate in January 1897 with the express purpose of holding talks with the Oba. The Benin authorities, on the other hand, believed that the true goal was to remove the Oba from office and saw this as a direct threat to his sovereignty. The Oba’s generals decided to launch an assault on the delegation as it got closer to Benin City. With only two survivors, the ambush claimed the lives of almost every member of the expedition, including eight British officers and hundreds of African laborers and porters. Admiral Sir Harry Rawson led a punitive expedition that the British mounted against the Kingdom of Benin in 1897 as payback. The expedition’s final acts were the ruthless demolition of Benin City, the theft of the renowned Benin Bronzes, and the methodical demolishing of the city’s strong defenses. Oba Ovonramwen was to be executed by the British, but he escaped into the nearby woodlands. On August 5, 1897, Ovonramwen finally made his way back to Benin City to publicly surrender after fleeing for several months. Upon his return to the city, he was resplendently attired, bedecked with coral beads, and surrounded by between seven hundred and eight hundred followers. Desperate to escape banishment, Ovonramwen offered Consul General Ralph Moor 200 barrels of oil, worth £1,500, on the condition that he reveal the whereabouts of his 500 ivory tusks, which at the time were estimated to be worth over £2 million. This offer was turned down, though, because Moor had already found the ivory. Historian Sven Lindqvist describes this sequence of events in his book *Exterminate All the Brutes* as a British invasion. According to Lindqvist, Phillips’s expedition was a clandestine operation meant to make it easier for Oba Ovonramwen to be overthrown rather than a diplomatic effort. Lindqvist claimed that the British army disguising their troops as bearers and their weapons as luggage. Despite numerous cautions from the Oba’s messengers not to infringe Benin’s territorial sovereignty, Phillips allegedly attempted to approach the Oba’s palace under the guise of talks.…
Sheikh Al-Adaby was a well-known Islamic scholar, teacher, and spiritual guide from Nigeria. His notable contributions to Islamic education and the spread of Islam in Nigeria are well known. He was born in 1909 in Oke-Suna, Ilorin, in Kwara State, Nigeria. The Ansarul Islam Society of Nigeria was founded by Sheikh Kamaldeen in 1942 with the goals of advancing Islamic education, morality, and social welfare. He founded a number of Islamic educational institutions through this group, notably the renowned Adabiyya College in Ilorin, which rose to prominence as a preeminent hub for Islamic education in West Africa. His contributions to Islamic education had a pivotal role in the dissemination of Islamic knowledge and literacy among Nigerian Muslims. Sheikh Kamaldeen was regarded as a spiritual leader with great respect due to his extensive understanding of Hadith, Quranic interpretation, and Islamic law. He was well-known for his support of Muslim harmony and understanding, and he made a substantial contribution to the peaceful coexistence of various religious groups in Nigeria. Although Sheikh Kamaldeen Habeeb Al-Adaby passed away on December 7, 2005, his legacy endures in the form of the numerous students he taught and the institutions hefounded. In Nigerian Islamic history, he is still held in high regard, and his efforts have a lasting impact on Islamic research and education in the nation.
A picture from the early 2000s shows the well-known Nigerian singer Seun Kuti at a young age playing a variety of musical instruments. Born on January 11, 1983, as Oluseun Anikulapo Kuti, Seun Kuti is a well-known Afrobeat artist who continues the legacy of his renowned father, Fela Kuti. Seun was becoming well-known at this time in the Afrobeat music scene, which he had acquired from his father, who had been a pioneer in its growth. The image captures Seun’s early involvement in the music industry, demonstrating his commitment to his work and his part in carrying on the musical heritage of the Kuti family. Seun Kuti is renowned for his stirring live performances and socially minded lyrics that frequently touch on subjects like social justice and governmental corruption. His efforts with Egypt 80, his band, demonstrate his dedication to maintaining and advancing the Afrobeat legacy. This early 2000s image shows not only his youthful energy but also the start of his path to become a significant figure in African and international music.
Headline from 30 years ago appeared on the front page of the *PM Newspaper* in 1994. It read, “Two NNPC Chiefs Charged with 330 Million Naira Theft in 1994.”
On January 26, 1983, Nigerian President Shehu Shagari attended the 34th Republic Day event in New Delhi. This historic occasion featured a magnificent military march-past that included an exhibition of India’s impressive arsenal, demonstrating the country’s pride in its defensive capabilities. President Zail Singh of India accompanied President Shehu Shagari, who was honored to be the event’s chief guest. His attendance at the function highlighted the solid diplomatic relations between Nigeria and India in the midst of changing world politics and expanding bilateral collaboration. President Shagari held high-level discussions with Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi during his three-day official visit. The talks covered a broad variety of topics, with an emphasis on strengthening bilateral trade ties and increasing technological collaboration between the two countries. India, which had previously given knowledge to Nigeria’s railway and military industries, was recognized as a crucial partner for additional economic cooperation, indicating a strengthening of the relationships that had been built over time. In addition to showcasing the ceremonial elements of Republic Day celebrations, the video provides an insight into the diplomatic manoeuvres that established Nigeria’s foreign policy in the early 1980s. President Shagari’s travel to India and his subsequent flight to Pakistan on January 28th demonstrate Nigeria’s proactive participation in promoting international alliances under his leadership. This historical moment is representative of a larger story about two developing countries on the international scene sharing respect and objectives.
A snapshot from the 1960s shows a youthful J.P. Clark, illuminating the formative years of one of Nigeria’s most renowned writers. John Pepper Clark-Bekederemo, popularly known as J.P. Clark, was a trailblazing Nigerian poet and dramatist who lived from 1935 to 2020. His influence on African writing is still felt today. Clark was born in Kiagbodo, Delta State, Nigeria, to an Urhobo mother and an Ijaw father. His multicultural background had a big influence on his writing. His love of reading was sparked by his early schooling at the Native Authority School in Okrika and then at Government College in Ughelli. Clark attended the University of Ibadan to further his studies, where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in English. He worked in academics and journalism. He started off as an information officer and then worked for the *Daily Express* as the features editor. His academic career took off at the University of Lagos as an English professor and at the Institute of African Studies. He co-edited *Black Orpheus*, a crucial forum for advancing African literature, throughout his time there. To promote the performing arts in Nigeria, Clark and his spouse, Professor Ebun Odutola, founded the PEC Repertory Theatre in Lagos in 1982. Clark gained international notoriety by accepting visiting professorships at esteemed colleges including Yale and Wesleyan. Throughout his life, Clark promoted African writing, using his writing to explore difficult societal challenges and the essence of humanity. His literary legacy lives on, inspiring and enlightening readers all around the world.
Nigeria’s fuel price history is a reflection of the nation’s economic difficulties, governmental policies, and the world oil market. Following is a summary of changes in fuel prices from 1960 until 2023: The Initial Years and Stability, 1960–1978 1960s–1970s: Nigeria’s fuel prices stayed comparatively low and steady following its independence in 1960. Fuel was substantially subsidized by the government, lowering the price for the general populace. Nigeria had an oil boom in the 1970s, which helped to keep fuel prices low. From 1966 to 1973, under General Yakubu Gowon’s administration, fuel was sold for between 6 and 8.5 kobo. There wasn’t much of a price increase from 8.5 kobo to 9 kobo when Murtala Muhammed became the head of state. 1978–1985: The Initial Authorized Increases. 1978: Under General Olusegun Obasanjo’s military government, there was the first official increase in fuel prices, which caused the price per liter to rise from 8.4 to 15.3. 1982: Under President Shehu Shagari’s leadership, there was an additional increase in price, which brought the price per liter to 20 kobo. 1985-1999: Modifications to the Structure and Variations. 1986: As part of the 1986 Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), fuel prices started to climb sharply under General Ibrahim Babangida’s military control. The cost per liter was increased to 39.5 kobo. Between 1989 and 1994, Babangida raised fuel prices several times, reaching 70 kobo per liter in 1989 and 3.25 Naira per liter in 1994. 1998: As part of a move to appease the public, General Sani Abacha lowered the price to 11 Naira per liter. Democratic Era and Price Liberalization, 1999–2007 1999: Gradual price deregulation got underway with President Olusegun Obasanjo’s return to office as a civilian leader. In 1999, the price went up to 20 Naira per liter. 2000–2007: The cost increased gradually, hitting 70 Naira per liter by the time Obasanjo’s administration ended in 2007. 2007–2015: Persistent Rises and Open Demonstrations 2008–2009: In 2008, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua somewhat lowered the price per liter to 65 Naira. His administration did, however, manage to keep prices largely steady. 2012: The government tried to completely eliminate fuel subsidies under President Goodluck Jonathan, driving up the price to 141 Naira per liter. The government was forced to lower the price to 97 Naira a liter as a result of the massive protests that followed (Occupy Nigeria). 2015: Jonathan lowered the price to 87 Naira per liter right before he left office. Buhari’s Administration and Price Deregulation, 2015–2023 2016: Due to economic pressures, President Muhammadu Buhari—who was previously well-known for his opposition to the elimination of subsidies—saw a sharp rise in fuel prices. The cost per liter was increased to 145 Naira. 2020: The government declared a shift toward complete deregulation in reaction to the COVID-19 pandemic’s effects on the world economy and the volatility of oil prices. As a result, there was a floating pricing system in place, with a liter’s price ranging from 123 …
As the Ooni of Ife, Sir Adesoji Tadenikawo Aderemi, bestowed blessings and prayers upon the well-known rising star Juju musician, King Sunny Ade. This illustrates the close relationship between royalty and the arts, demonstrating the mutual respect that cultural figures had at the time. Sir Adesoji Aderemi was not only a traditional ruler but also the first African Governor of Nigeria’s Western Region, and he was well-known for his wisdom, leadership, and commitment to the preservation of Yoruba culture. As the Ooni of Ife, he played a vital spiritual role, and his blessings were especially meaningful when bestowed upon someone as powerful as King Sunny Ade. A growing celebrity in Nigerian music in the 1970s, King Sunny Ade invented the Juju genre by fusing contemporary sounds and ancient Yoruba rhythms to produce music that was enjoyed by listeners all over the world. Sunny Ade’s blessings from the Ooni were both a symbolic transfer of the traditional torch and an acknowledgement of her abilities. This image, which was taken a few years before to Ooni Adesoji Aderemi’s passing, depicts a profoundly culturally interactive moment. It symbolizes the mutual respect that exists in Yoruba society today between traditional and modern, where the past and present work together to form the future. The picture serves as a potent reminder of the two men’s enduring influence—one as a beloved king and the other as a musical icon—whose contributions to history will continue to motivate upcoming generations.
A famous picture from the early 2000s shows Onyeka Onwenu and a young, gorgeous Helen Paul.
In a historic 1978 photo, General Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria is cordially welcomed to Yola by the Lamido of Adamawa, Aliyu Musdafa. This picture captures the close bond between Nigeria’s military authorities and traditional leaders at a pivotal point in the nation’s history, as well as the robust traditions of the Adamawa Emirate. The Lamido, clad in traditional garb, stands in for Adamawa’s rich cultural legacy. His cordial greeting of General Obasanjo, who was guiding the nation during a moment of transition, emphasizes the deference that traditional authority and military commanders have for one another. In order to establish ties with Nigeria’s many regions and guarantee that traditional leaders had a say as the nation was ready to transition to civilian administration in 1979, Obasanjo made the trip. The image documents a significant political occasion and demonstrates the continued importance of traditional institutions to Nigerian identity and governance. More than just a ceremonial gathering, this one in Yola represented the continuity and togetherness these leaders sought to establishin a country with a diverse population.
The famous picture of Obafemi Awolowo and Adegoke Adelabu in Ibadan. A prominent political figure in Ibadan and the Western Region, Gbadamosi Adegoke Adelabu came from modest beginnings to become a prosperous merchant and powerful politician. He was Nigeria’s Minister of Social Services and Natural Resources before rising to the post of leader of the opposition in the Western Regional Assembly. Tragically, a deadly car accident in 1958, just as Nigeria was on the verge of independence, ended Adelabu’s promising career. The image represents the rivalry and cooperation between Adelabu and Awolowo, two significant figures in the future development of Nigeria. Adelabu’s legacy endures as a testament to his aspirations, tenacity, and advancement.